Scots Independent
February 1996

Owned, Edited and Printed in Scotland - First Published in November 1926
Return to Main Scots Independent Index


Toffs Rule OK - Colin Campbell

For some time now Magnus Linklater, one time editor of the Scotsman, has been hosting Radio Scotland's Sunday morning current affairs programme 'Eye to Eye', and a recent guest was the retiring chairman of the BBC, Marmaduke Hussey.

It occurred to me that it was somewhat bizarre that the first occasion on which the arbiter of all that we in Scotland should see and hear, should make his appearance just as he was leaving office. Hardly a convin- cing demonstration that he recognises, even yet, that Scotland is an equal partner in the Union, in constitutional terms, with his beloved England.

As I listened to Mr Hussey's responses to Linklater's respectful probings I could scarcely believe my ears as he propounded his view of the BBC's continuing role on the national and international stage. It was as if some patrician throwback from mid-victorian England had been stalking the corridors of Broadcasting and Bush Houses all these years poking his swordstick into any works that might threaten the nature of the English establishments entrenched status.

His attitude was so redolent of a naturally assumed sense of superiority that it confirmed my worst fears of just how archaic and arrogant an English institution, masquerading under British colours, the BBC has now become. During a discussion on the BBC's general output he could proudly boast of 5 main radio stations (identifiably: Radios 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5--and/or possibly the World Service) and 69 (I think he said) local stations. What he implicitly disclosed was that he obviously felt we should consider ourselves privileged in Scotland to have as one of these 69 local sta- tions "the excellent national Radio Scotland"!.

Next, in response to a question over the BBC's capacity for standing up to political pressures for party coverage in the run-up to the General Election, came a frank admission that the BBC was an extremely powerful influence on peoples' political perceptions and, by implication, was fully up to exercising a controlling role in what should and should not get on to the airwaves. To me, this highly significant acknowledgment of BBC power, provided a glimpse of its own sense of corporate political identity as the custodian of a centralised British state--a state that it fully intended to preserve under the auspices of that English establishment that flits about between the Lords, the Commons, the City and the exclusive clubs of Pall Mall and Regent Street.

Hussey's last telling observation was in response to being asked if the BBC should be preparing a different and fuller Scottish broadcasting structure should Labour win the next Election and set up its promised devolved parliament. In between those self-deprecatory chuckles with which the English upper classes not infrequently seek to cloak their real motivation, he replied that that was a hypothetical question and in his view there was no guarantee that Labour would carry throught such a plan, much as it had failed to do so the last time around.

As a plain statement such a view might seem unexceptional be but coming from a retiring chairman of the BBC, in the tone of voice in which it emerged, the inference was quite clear: Scottish Parliament? Changes to the status of broadcasting in Scotland? Not if the BBC, with all its boasted power, can possibly prevent either, or both, of them! And who is to be Hussey's successor? He is described, apparently, as 'the Toff'. Do we need to know more?

Return to the index

Editorial

The Scottish Secretary, Michael Forsyth, is patently rubbing his hands as he and his Right-wing colleagues secure yet another marker on their long crusade to 'alter the political geography of Scotland'. Their achievements have taken time to secure but the reality of what they have done to Scotland is plain enough. To break Union power in Scotland, in its role as the mainstay and paymaster of the Labour Party, heavy industry, with all its politically organised work forces, has been almost completely removed to England where there is still a promising future for car manufacture, steelmaking, coalmining, shipbuilding and other heavy engineering. In their place, and in order to prevent a complete collapse of the Scottish economy, have come electronic industries with their more disparate and sensitive workforces together with other light industries largely dependent on part time workers.

The sale of council houses has also gone surprisingly well and in a number of what they might term Labour ghettos, upwardly mobile occupants with a diminishing loyalty to the political ambience in which they live, are increasing in number. The opting out of schools has been a disappointment however, and Tories still fear that Labour councils are instilling Labour thoughts into their charges from Labour backgrounds. On the other hand removal of more and more powers from local government into the hands of quangos made up of appointees known to be Tory supporters, has been gathering pace and as we enter 1996 Scotland's political geography is bracing itself for the final Tory manipulation which they hope will change the parties fortunes for ever in hitherto hostile territory. But have Forsyth and his colleagues poked the byke too far; and is their present glee a prelude to imminent disaster?

The coup de grace of Scotland's old political structures has been the long planned reorganisation of local government just nearing completion. The Adam Smith Institute and other right-wing allies envisaged that with chopped and rejuggled regions up and down Scotland, and particularly in the central belt, Labour's grip on the Town Halls would eventually be weakened beyond repair. To ensure that this would be the case a plan was hatched to arrange that the emerging structures, at the very moment of birth, would be starved of central government support to such an extent that community services would be so severely affected that those who elect councillors--mainly Labour voters it would be supposed--would blame the huge rise in local government taxation on those whom they had just elected to office. But here surely is where a combination of ill-fortune and mismanagement is about to catch up with the Tory reformers in a way which they could never have envisaged.

Coinciding with the huge rises in Council tax is a parallel rise in water charges so that Scotland with one of the highest rainfalls in Europe is about to become the most highly taxed for that essential commodity. The combined cocktail, when visited upon local communities later this Spring is likely to be just as lethal as the infamous Poll Tax from which the government has never recovered. The apportionment of blame for this disaster will largely depend upon COSLA's response to the crisis. If it bows to Forsyth, as he would hope and expect, its dominant Labour caucus will be in the firing line. If it fights, as most assuredly the SNP will urge it to do, Forsyth and his small remaining band of right wing dogmatists seem likely to get the come uppance they so richly deserve and just in time for an imminent General Election.

Return to the index

Scotland's "Feeble 49" Labour MPs

Speaking at a strategy meeting of SNP Constituency Associations in North-East Scotland in Strichen, SNP leader Alex Salmond MP labelled Scottish Labour MPs the "feeble 49", citing their non-attendance at the last meeting of the Scottish Grand Committee, and failure to turn up for the vote on the time zone Bill. Mr Salmond told the Sl:

"At the start of the year, George Robertson was boasting about what his troops would deliver, stating that the Scottish Grand Committee would be a 'tartan time-bomb ticking under Michael Forsyth and his team . . . they will find that what seemed like a bright idea in the autumn of '95 will be a nightmare in '96' (the Herald, 6 January 1996).

"But Labour's performance this year has been more like a damp squib, totally failing to live up to Robertson's boasts. At the Grand Committee, 27 Labour MPs couldn't even be bothered turning up.

"And when Scottish interests were on the line in the daylight robbery Bill, the same number--27--were nowhere to be seen.

"Thanks to them--and the two Scots Labour MPs who actually voted for the Bill--the vote went 93 to 82 for change, handing the would-be 'time bandits' a propaganda victory, which they will exploit to the full next time round.

"Responsibility for this failure to reject the Bill decisively belongs to Scottish Labour MPs, who once again let Scotland down. In the true spirit of New Labour, they seemed to be incapable of voting against the lobbying efforts of southern English big business.

"Scotland's feeble 49 Labour MPs don't seem to be interested in representing their constituents' interests, and can't even get their act together to oppose the Government properly. In last December's fishing vote, two Scots Labour MPs --Mike Watson and lan Davidson--nearly let the Government off the hook by failing to turn up.

"The fact that so many Labour MPs do not turn up when Scottish interests are at stake shows that Scottish priorities are not New Labour's priorities".

Return to the index

Letter - James R Hepburn, Dunoon

Sir, I am sure many sensible people will regard the negative views of some of the spineless so called captains of industry in Scotland appalling.

What a ridiculous concept that, if Scotland regained its nationhood to-morrow, many firms would overnight become less competitive, and less attractive to shareholders!! If a firm is making money for their shareholders it makes little difference whether they are located in and/or have their HQ, in Scotland or Taiwan.

Some commentators will persist in continually referring to other regions of England, in the same context, when devolution or independence is being discussed. It's obvious that their knowledge of history is scant or non-existent as Scotland was one of the oldest nations in Europe, until it was annexed by England, against the wishes of a majority of the Scottish people at that time. Nothing has apparently changed, as many policies are being persued even today, still against the wishes of a majority of the people.

JAMES R HEPBURN, Dunoon

Return to the index

Faclairean Gàidhlig - Alasdair MacCaluim

Ged a tha imoadh faclair anns a' Ghàidhlig, chan eil iad uamhasach math agus chan eil gu leòr ann. Tha mòran de na faclairean a' fàs seann-fhasanta m.e MacAlpine (1832), MacBain (1896) agus Dieckhoff (1932). Ged a tha iad seann-fhasanta a-nis, bha iad math nuair a bha iad ùr. Chan e sin do fhaclair MhicGillFhinnein (1925). Cha robh cus feum ann a-riamh. Chan eil mi cinnteach an robh Beurla aig MacGillFhinnein oir tha e a' cleachdadh faclan neònach mar Fy o fie, crapulence, cribration agus crispation.

Ged a chaidh faclair Dwelly fhoillseachadh o chionn ochdad no naochad bliadhna, 's e faclair air leth math a th' ann fhathast. B' e duine mìorbhaileach a bh' ann an Dwelly. Dh' ionnsaich e a' Ghàidhlig, (b' e Sasannach a bh' ann) sgriobh e agus chlò-bhuail e am faclair na aonar. Càite a bheil a leithid an diugh?

Ged nach eil m7ograve;ran fhaclairean matha ann, tha rudan a' fàs nas fheàrr aig an àm seo. Dh' fhoillsich Gairm "Abair" ann an 1979, Faclair Mhic Thòmais ann an 1981/94 agus Faclair Owen ("Am Faclair Ur Gàidhlig gu Beurla") ann an 1994. 'S e faclairean matha a th' annta--Owen gu h-àraidh, ach tha iad uile ro bheag. Ma tha thu ag ionnsachadh na Gàidhlig, feumaidh tu tri no ceithir faclairean a chleachdadh aig an aon àm nuair a tha thu a' leughadh no a' sgriobhadh. Chan eil faclan gu leòr anns a mhòr-chuid de na faclairean agus chan eil faclair Beurla gu Gàidhlig ann a tha cho math no cho mòr ri Dwelly.

Chaidh "Brigh nam Facal" le Richard A V Cox flloillseachachd ann an 1991 agus 's e a' chiad faclair Gàidhlig-Gàidhlig a-riamh. 'S e "Faclair Ùr Don Bhun Sgoil" a th' ann ach tha e feumail dhan a h-uile duine. Dh' fhoillsich Clò- Ostaig "An Star-Dàta Briathrachais Gàidhlig" ("The Gaelic Terminology Database") o chionn dà bhliadhna. 'S e liosta de fhaclan naudh no teicneolach a th'ann. 'S e seo a' chiad leabhar ann an sreath.

A dh' aindeoin an adhartais seo, tha feum mar ann fhathast air faclairean ura Gàidhlig. Tha na faclairean Gàidhlig maran nas miosa na an fheadhainn ann an Frangais no Spàinnis. Chan eil sin na iongnadh ach tha faclairean nas fheàrr ann an Gaeilge, Cuimris agus eadhon Gaelg (Gàidhlig Mhanainneach).

'S e eisimpleir math do Ghàidhlig a th' ann an Albais agus Comann Faclair Nàiseanta na h-Alba. Bidh CFNA a' deasachadh faclairean Albais a th' air am foillseachadh le foillsichear mòr (Chambers). Carson nach eil comann mar seo ann airson na Gàidhlig?

Ma tha sibh ag iarraidh faclair ùr Gàidhlig, carson nach sgriobh sibh gu follsichear mar Chambers (a tha a' dèanamh faclairean Albais) no Collins (a tha a' foillseachadh faclairean "Gem" ann an Gaeilge, Cuimris agus Albais). Faighnichibh dhiubh carson nach eil iad a' dèamamh faclair sam bith anns a' Ghàidhlig.

Return to the index
CONTACT:
Scots Independent, 51 Cowane Street, Stirling, SCOTLAND, FK8 1JW
Tel: 01786 473523 (24 hr), FAX: 0141-427-4030
If you have any comments (good or bad) on these pages contact hamish@rmplc.co.uk.
Previous page Return to Ham's Homepage