Scots Independent
October 1996

Owned, Edited and Printed in Scotland - First Published in November 1926

London BBC Tyranny, the law and BBC Scotland - Michael Russell

By the time you read this Annual Conference season will be over.

The Media caravans will have returned to base, and the broadcasters--the BBC in particular--will have settled down to their favourite political occupation: Westminster watching. Westminster watching is safe and comfortable, and means that the journalists who live within the circle of the magic M25 will not have to undergo the physical and mental inconvenience of thinking about, let alone covering, anything outside London until the same time next year.

Meanwhile real politics will just be getting underway--not the Westminster farce, but the hard work of persuading men and women on the doorsteps about the vital decisions that face them at the coming General Election. It is that real politics--and in particular real Scottish politics--that will be submerged in the flood tide of narrow London-based reporting as inevitably as the leaves fall in the autumn.

On the Monday of our conference week I spent almost two hours in the Court of Session, watching the SNP advocate Mungo Bovey present a petition for judicial review and interdict with regard to the gross imbalance in conference reporting by the BBC. Whilst virtually every day the SNP complains about the failure of the London-based media to accurately reflect the Scottish political scene there has, until now, been a belief that the BBC would do its best to be fair and impartial in conference coverage and that the BBC was determined to improve its performance after the Panorama debacle.

However the introduction of new programmes for the Liberal, Tory and Labour conferences, the use of live broadcasting on the internet by the BBC for these conferences (an innovation that we were able to better at our conference by the use of dedicated volunteers) and the failure to cover live at all the first day of our conference led the SNP to take the unusual step of going to court. We were only able to do so after seeing the published plans of the BBC but our case did not succeed partly because we were told we had brought it too late, and partly because of a bizarre argument from the BBC advocate which clearly implied that the BBC's duty of impartiality applied only across the UK, and not specifically within Scotland.

That argument is deeply damaging to BBC Scotland itself. It places the organisation that regards itself as our national broadcaster in the position of a mere appendage, whose coverage of politics in Scotland is at the whim of editors in London.

It is even more damaging for Scottish politics, for it means that the basic democratic right to fair treatment by television (a right that is recognised the world over, particularly where it is breached) does not apply if you are a political party based in Scotland, no matter your success or support.

Extraordinarily the BBC's position was accepted by Lord Gill. It will take some time to fully digest the implications of that acceptance, but there is no doubt in my mind that the issue will have to return to court at some stage in the future if the BBC continues on its present course.

That is why, with the conferences safely behind us, we will be assembling a legal team to look at the whole question of fair and impartial Media coverage, with particular reference to the General Election campaign. That process is being duplicated in Wales by Plaid Cymru and the two parties are already committed to working together to overcome the in built London-centric bias of present-day political reporting.

Staggeringly over 90 per cent of our news and current affairs is sourced from, and edited in, London. That figure is frightening enough but when the journalists in London covering politics are informed by documents such as the BBC Conference 96 Handbook which was leaked to us as we went into court and which gives only 1 page to the SNP out of 357 pages, and does not even mention us under the policy headings of Europe, the Economy, Education, Defence, Agriculture, Fishing, Health, Pensions or a host of other areas, then the task of persuading London-based journalists to cover important Scottish stories becomes almost overwhelming.

The SNP has come a long way since it got its first Party Political Broadcast--itself the result of sustained campaign against London indifference and hostility. We have still a way to go to make certain that broadcasting is not used as a tool to maintain the Unionist status quo, but instead plays its proper role of reflecting diverse opinion and assisting the democratic debate.

What we must ensure, however, is that the argument is either won, or at least taken a stage further before we suffer another General Election under the present unfair, partial and very British Broadcasting system that exists to-day.

To do otherwise is to allow bad journalism and the institutional force of the UK state to defeat the ancient claim and modern rights of the Scottish people.

That we cannot and will not stomach.

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"The Scotsman" No More - Colin Campbell has had his fill

Regular readers of The Scotsman over recent years will have noticed that, going hand-in-hand with some presentational improvements there has been a marked narrowing of its editorial vision. Magnus Linklater's spell as editor, if I recollect rightly, included the period of political fall-out resulting from Labour's last failure to gain office and the subsequent birth of the deformed Scottish Constitutional Convention. From that time on the Scotsman abandoned its respected role as an even-handed purveyor of political coverage across the spectrum of Scottish opinion and, in particular, adopted a stance of unreasoning antipathy towards the SNP. Not only did editorials become increasingly vitriolic but political articles which were otherwise reasonably balanced in themselves became subject to partisan titling of almost childish petulance. In addition to this its coverage of Scottish political events became so patchy that any serious follower of the national scene had perforce to start taking other papers to obtain a balanced picture.

The paper joined enthusiastically in the conspiracy to deny the SNP a place in the Convention, by opposing the option of independence even for consideration, and then compounded its mischief by trying to saddle the blame for the ensuing debacle on the SNP itself. It sought to damage the SNP as deeply as possible by giving inordinate coverage to a single disgruntled former member whose opinions were hanselled as having nationalist authority. This, in my view, was manipulative, propagandist and dishonest.

Others, as well as myself, will recollect how our letters to the editor on political topics, accepted generously for many years, were suddenly denied publication; or, if exceptionally they were published, were so crudely edited as to impair both their fluency and style. Such treatment was as may be imagined, a masterly disincentive to further communication.

Looking back at those times now it is almost laughable to hear the Scotsman echoing such trenchant cries as the Convention's retort to Mrs Thatcher ".... but we say Yes, and we are the Scottish people" and the equally flamboyant flourishing of the Claim of Right--a claim now ditched for good after a mere four years by the Convention's main partner--the Labour party. All the evidence now emphatically proves that the Unionist parties, and the Scotsman, have only ever had one purpose in mind in proposing a devolved Scottish parliament, and that is to preserve the Union with England. They still see devolution as Willie Ross did all those unfulfilled years ago--as the only means of stalling the inexorable move towards the independence that every self-respecting Scot desires in the secret recesses of the heart. As we approach the imminent General Election the Scotsman's shrill attacks on the SNP are predictably mounting, and if further evidence of its sheer fear of us and our historic mission were needed, its malevolent coverage of our Inverness conference assuredly provided it. Once again it has the arrogance to pronounce on the likely levels of our future support, and once again it acts as a front for a tiny self-perpetuating coterie of political journalists who have an influence, through Unionist patronage, out of all proportion to their integrity or numbers. They fervently believe that Scotland should be doomed to remain in the Union. Their collective jaundiced imagination can envisage no brighter prospect.

After a lifetime of reading, and participating in the correspondence columns of, a 'Scotsman' I once respected I have cancelled my order. A small gesture perhaps--but I no longer wish to contribute even one penny to its new unscrupulous usurper.

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Alasdair MacCaluim

Thathar ag ràdh (le móran dhaoine aineolach) nach robh a' Ghàidhlig riamh cudromach ann an Siorrachd Lannraig agus Glaschu. Tha e soillear gu bheil seo fada ceàrr air sgath ' s gu robh a ' Ghàidhlig air a bruidhinn air feadh na h-Alba o chionn linntean agus airson gun tàinig iomadh Gaidheal dhan Ghalldachd a lorg obair anns an naodhamh linn deug. A réir an leabhair "Glasgow's Highland Churches" le R Dòmhnallach, bha mu 20,000 ann an Glaschu aig nach robh ach a' Ghàidhlig a-mhàin ann an 1835. Aig meadhon na linne bha àireamh nan Gaidheal ann an Glaschu gu math nas àride; mu 45,000.

Ged a tha e follaiseach gu bheil tòrr Gàidhlig air a bhith ann an Glaschu anns an àm a dh' fhalbh, chan ann tric a smaoinicheas sinn air na h-iomadh Gaidheal eile a tha air a bhith ann an Glaschu feadh nam bliadhnaichean: Gaidheil na h- Éireann. Thàinig na milltean de dh'Éireannaich do dh'Alba anns an l9mh linn agus bha an Ghaeilge (Gàidhlig na h-Éireann) aig tòrr dhiubh. Mar Gaidheil na h-Alba anns na bailtean Móra, thòisich na h-Éireannaich comainn agus buidhnean sòisealta agus culturach. Am measg nam buidhnean sin bha meòir Chonradh (Comann) na Gaeilge.

Tha Conradh na Gaeilge air a bhith ann an Alba o cionn 101 bliadhna a-nis. Tha an Conradh air cothrom a thoirt do dh' iomadh eilthireach à Éirinn ceangal a chumail ris a' chultar aca fhéin. Aig aon àm bha meòir air feadh na Galldachd ann am bailtean mar Dùn Deagh agus Dùn Eideann. A dh' aindeoin seo, 's e meur Ghlaschu an t‚ as cudromaiche a chionn 's gur b' i a' chiad mheur air taobh a-muigh na h- Eireann agus air sgàth 's gur i an aon té air fhagail ann an Alba an-diugh.

Tha clasaichean Gàidhlig fhathast rim faotainn ann an Glaschu. Tha iad air an cumail gach oidhche Haoine eadar 7:30 agus 9:30 ann an Ionad Coimhearsnachd Cnoc a' Ghobhainn (Govanhill Neighbourhood Centre), 6 Sràid nan Neòinean (Daisy Street). Bi ann no bi fann!

Chaill a Ghàidhlig deagh charaid nuair a chaochail Griogair Mac- Griogair à Tobar na Màthar aig deireadh an Iuchair. B' e fior Albannach a bh' ann an Griogair. Bha ùidh mhôr aige anns a' chultur againn agus ann an àrainneachd na h-Alba. Bha gaol sònraichte aige air a' Ghàidhlig agus thòisich e air a h-ionnsachadh anns na 40an nuair nach robh a' Ghàidhlig fasanta idir. Bha Griogair déidheil air a' Ghaidhealtachd agus air Ile gu h-àraidh ach aig a cheart àm bha e den bheachd gu robh a' Ghàidhlig a cheart cho cudromach dhan sgire aige fhéin -- Siorrachd Lannraig.

Dh' obraich Griogair la stàilinn ann an Dalziel agus Ravenscraig ach b' fheudar dha an dreuchd aige a leigeil dheth aig tòisich nan 80an air taileadh tinneas cridhe. 'S ann as déidh na h-obrach aige a' leigeil seachad a rinn Griogair tòrr airson na Gàidhlig a bhrosnachadh. Bha e na bhall den Chomann, de ChLI, CNSA agus ChnaG agus sgriobhadh e litichean chun an riaghaltais agus gu buidhnean poballach gu tric ag iarraidh iomadh rud mar shèirbhis Nàiseanta Réidio no talc airgeid do Bhail' Ùr Ostaig 7c. B' e duine air leth a bh' ann an Griogair MacGriogair agus bidh mi fhéin agus iomadh duine eile ga ionndrain gu mór. 'S e leithid Griogair a chumas a' Ghàidhlig beo.



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Scottish Spectrum - Tam Jenkins-Home

It was a fine Conference, a major event by a substantial, well developed political party representing the independence movement of one of England's last colonies, steadfastly determined to set the Scottish nation free again by the intellectually honest means of democratic persuasion.

Clearly a conference thus organised has to enjoy the co-operation of the public and private Media. And that's the rub. With almost no exception that Media is financed and directed by the British State, the same State which brought about the Treaty of Union in 1707, using bribery, jobbery, warlike gesturing and other forms of corrupt practice.

Most of the Mediapersons working in Scotland today are highly professional, some quite brilliant, Nice People. But they have a job to do and, like lawyers, they regard themselves as having no professional duty to question whether their client is an unhung rogue or not. The money is paid for doing the job well and the Good Lord will weigh the moralities in the balance.

Their current job, it seems, when they are confronted with the rapidly rising tide of Scottish Nationalism, is to devise clever words to knock the movement off course. And their best methodology today is mockery. My colleague Colin Campbell has often explained in detail how this works. In the social atmosphere of the Conference that seems eminently acceptable and the Nice People become Good Fellows too, most convivial. In cold print, or over the British air waves and screens, it becomes devastatingly nasty.

Take the laugh-a- minute description of Party President Dr Ewing, for example. A ludicrous piece about her expensive, "theatrical" Eurowardrobe. Pretty rich, I thought, coming from that ill-fitting Press Corps.

I think back on its doyen, the BBC's own Brian Taylor (59) tent-braces by Blacks of Greenock .... bouncy Bill Clark (92) of the Daily Mail, wearing the same C&A suit his former employer the Herald gave him when he was allowed out of doors .... the Herald's present man in politics, Robbie Dinwoodie (62), couture by Columbo .... the Record's Tom Brown (91), self-confessed non kilt-wearer -- I could have sworn he was in fact kilted at the Conference .... and SoS's Kenny Iago Farquharson ( 19) who fancies his Armani barrow. The best dressed was former Scotsman editor, Chris Baur (32), now of the Insider, garbed in cashmere from head-to-foot. I never thought I'd live to wish Labour's top fan, Kirsty Wark (21) would come back, in her Bette Davis trouser-suit and show them all up.

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Editorial - A Nation in our own right ... or an English Dependency ?

There can be no surer indication that our cause of independence for Scotland has gained unprecedented levels of support than the reaction of our political opponents. Gone are the patronising and dismissive references to Scot Nats or Tartan Tories and in their place has come a litany of abuse and vituperation unmatched in recent Scottish political history.

The fact is, that the concept of Unionism under which most of us have been brought up, has been rumbled for what it has now become, namely: outdated, economically stunting, morally degrading; and democratically unsustainable as a constitutional option for the second millennium. For Scotland, the systemic imbalance in the Union with England has become a straitjacket which prevents our participation in those contemporary economic and political developments that are proving so beneficial to other independent states--some of them much smaller and less intrinsically viable than Scotland. Whatever may, or may not, have been the perceived advantages of the Union with England in the last two centuries all such perceptions finally lost any validity with Britain's abandonment of the Commonwealth in favour of what was then the Common Market, under the very English leadership of Edward Heath. To-day's choice for Scotland is plain for all but the blindest and most bigoted to perceive: either we continue, with or without a puppet parliament, as a tenth-part dependency of England on the fringes of Europe or we disentangle ourselves from the Union and take a full role on the international stage as a nation in our own right. There is no longer any half-way house of compromise between these two positions.

What the mood of Scotland increasingly tells us is that, given encouragement and leadership, a majority of Scots would dearly love to take the nobler part of choosing national independence; but from lifetimes in which they have been subjected to intimidation and indoctrination they are understandably fearful about "taking the plunge", as they have been cajoled into terming it. And here is where the Scottish Labour Party, the Liberal Democrats and the bulk of Scotland's entrenched Media exercise their now highly-honed campaigns of spreading doubts, fears and scare stories about the case for independence itself: and inciting hatred and contempt for freedom's only midwife-- the Scottish National Party. The depths to which they will stoop are well known to all of us (just compare recent coverage of our own conference by the chattering classes, with that which they gave to the Unionist parties) but there is now tangible evidence that ordinary Scots folk, through a combination of native shrewdness, resigned cynicism and a growing despair over unfulfilled promises by Unionist politicians, are reconciling themselves to the complete revision of political attitudes that independence would demand. They will be encouraged in this by the facts that New Labour has abandoned socialism and the disadvantaged, the Lib Dems have abandoned any pretensions of gaining office and the Tories have abandoned Scotland.

Let the Unionist Media slam and slander us as increasingly they will. Their days, like those of Westminster's authority over the Scottish people are numbered; for in a free Scotland the baseness of their existing line, of running down Scotland, denying the propriety of her right to self determination, and treating her on a par with a region of England, will be made manifest, retrospectively, to all.

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Health - One in the Eye for Michael - Dr John Hulbert

The Government's relentless campaign of reductions in all sorts of benefits and increases in indirect taxation has had a baleful effect on the poor of our community, with a predictable knock- on effect on health, as had been discussed on many occasions in this column. Where there is poverty, the social work services are often far more important to health than medical care. A regular home help is often almost a life support system, while meals on wheels are more effective than most drugs in maintaining a frail old person's health and strength through a long cold winter.

Within Tayside Region, under the SNP administration, there were no charges for social work services and no one knows better than I do how much this safeguards a person's privacy and dignity. But the late 1990s in Tory Britain are hard times for social work clients, and, as a councillor in the SNP administration in Perth and Kinross, I have had some hard decisions to make. The savage cuts in the Council's Revenue Budget this year meant that if we had not introduced charges there would have had to be devastating cuts to services which would have been particularly harsh on the most vulnerable people.

A charging policy was therefore agreed; and it was also decided that charges would be related to ability to pay -- the dreaded means test. Failure to do this would have meant that the poorest who could not afford our charges, nor obviously the private sector charges, would have had to go without.

But we have managed to turn it around, and give two fingers to Michael Forsyth. In order to ensure that the charging policy was fairly applied, each client was visited before the charges were levied. As a result of this about a third of clients still receive all their services free of charge, and indeed there are over 300 who previously paid for Meals-on- Wheels, who now get them free. Furthermore, at the same time as the client was assessed for charges, a professional ''benefits assessment" was carried out. This has resulted in nearly £750,000 of extra benefits being awarded to people in our area. In fact this is more than the total amount raised by the charging policy.

And so, in spite of the Government' s squeeze of the Social Work budget, standards have not suffered; some people have had to pay, but the poorest continue to get the service free; and best of all many are getting more money from benefits to which they are entitled, but were not claiming.
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Brother Blair Bashes Unions - Ian Bayne

Over the past 17 years we trade unionists north and south of the border, have taken a real bashing from the Tories. Now it seems we can expect similar treatment from Cmrde Blair's New Labour gauleiters in the prolonged run-up to the coming Election--and beyond.

This at any rate seems to have been the main message to have come out from the last--horrendous--pre-Election TUC Congress in Blackpool.

Don't get me wrong. From your average Trade Unionist's standpoint there were many worthy resolutions passed at Blackpool on the actual conference floor.

Here a call for a Scottish "parliament" with tax-varying powers--proposed, incidentally, by Glasgow's favourite ex-primary school headmistress, Kathie Finn of the EIS--was carried unanimously -- despite Kathie's stout-hearted critique of a certain 'unnecessary' referendum. There a demand for the £4.26 basic minimum hourly wage rate -- passionately proposed by Unison's Rodney Bickerstaffe, and seconded by a self-style moderate, old Uncle Arthur himself--was passed almost by acclamation and in open defiance of New Labour's reluctance to specify a figure.

But the headlines, regrettably, were ruthlessly hogged by the off-stage machinations of Cmrde Blair and his time-serving cohorts. Shadow employment spokesman, David Blunkett, kicked off the TUC's week by the sea with a sombre warning of New Labour legislation to introduce compulsory arbitration for public sector disputes, while Tone himself attempted to intervene in the long-running postal dispute by calling on the UCS to re-ballot its membership on continuing strike action.'

Finally, an otherwise obscure junior employment spokesman, Stephen Byers, dropped an apparent clanger by hinting that a Blair Government might just conceivably cut Labour's Union links altogether. And though the spin-doctors moved swiftly to disparage this dangerously prernature--and potentially costly -- suggestion, 'Tory' -- 'Union-basher'--Blair himself conspicuously failed to sack--or even reprimand--its perpetrator.

Against this background our English trade union colleagues face an appalling Hobson's choice at the coming Election. If they fail to back New Labour, the Tory Union-bashers could be re-instated in office; while even if they swallow their pride and deliver the traditional loyal Labour vote, they could end up being bashed yet again by a New Labour administration.

At least we Scottish trade unionists have the serious option of voting for a genuinely Union-friendly party, committed to the achievernent of social justice in the context of a free Scotland. But have we got the bottle to go for it?
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Letters

NEW CLEARANCE OF THE GLENS

All over the Scottish Highlands in recent years over a hundred roadside camping and stopping places have been blocked off by boulders, ditches, hideous post-and-wire fences, or padlocked gates. A new clearance of the glens has been accomplished by stealth abolishing the age-old right of camping in these natural stopping places--at the bend of a river, in the shelter of a wood, at a bridge, or near a ferry point. These ancient places--in Glen Shiel, Glen Garry, Glen Mor, Lochaber, Lorn, Cowal etc--were used for centuries by soldiers, herds, drovers, packmen, pipers, and travellers of every description moving back and forth from the islands and the south. A long plaid, an oilskin, a fire, bannocks and whisky would have kept the elements at bay in the early days; later, tents would have been used, and later still of course, recreational campers continued the old tradition.

To stop by the Highland roadside just to be in a splendid, solitary, peaceful place is the motivation of the modern recreational camper. Whether in a £60,000 motorhome or a £600 five- kilogram tent, the senses are keener, the heart lighter, and life more attuned to nature. So-called wild-camping -- unlike regulated camping-- is one of the most natural and uplifting of all human activities. It is good for you and should be encouraged. Alas, the small group of men who run the Scottish countryside have never seen cloud cross the Pole Star or heard ice form across a Highland burn, their dullness being exceeded only by their intolerance. Which is why they have conspired, and are continuing to conspire to vandalise the Highland roadscape.

Nowhere is this meaness more apparent than in Glencoe where the National Trust for Scotland under the ''guidance'' of their Ranger, Dereck Warner, plans to clear campers from the glen (where folk have camped since time immemorial) and where the Belgian landowner, Count Adolphe de Spoelberch, has had the ancient place at Jacksonville bouldered off, preventing Lochaber Mountain Rescue using RAF helicopters there.

Alas, what is even worse is the collaboration of Highland Regional Council in despoiling the roadscape. With hundreds of Highlanders homeless, they can find hundreds of thousands of pounds for offensive "No overnight parking signs'', Berlin Wall-style barriers, and the paraphenalia required to deny places which are steeped in history to the more adventurous of the Scottish people.

WILLIAM LONESKIE,
Bonnyrigg, Midlothian

NEW LABOUR GROUP

In your September issue appeared a letter from Mr William Deacon, Edinburgh regarding my likening of Mr Tony Blair to Sir Oswald Mosley.

Yes, I can recall when Sir Oswald in 1930 called his Labour Parliamentary followers the "New Labour Group". And in those days many an innocent Labour voter marched into the ranks of Fascism. May God forbid that Scottish Labour moves in the same direction.

The uncanny situation may arise whereby that the Scottish National Party and even the Conservative Party in Scotland may require to join forces in order to stifle this dangerous possibility.

WILLIAM McDOUGALL,
Reykjavik, Iceland

NOTHING LESS THAN SOVEREIGNTY

Tony Blair was spot on when he told Hamilton Academy pupils that only Labour could deliver a devolved Scottish Parliament. But who in their right mind would want to pay for two Parliaments when we are perfectly capable of running our country with our own Sovereign Scottish Parliament? And, of course, he was also correct when he said he would need Westminster's permission to set up his kind of parliament/assembly/talking shop--call it what you like-- but what Westminster permits it can also dismiss and it will only allow this pseudo- parliament control of the minor issues.

On the other hand, all we need to set up a sovereign Scottish Parliament is for the Scottish electorate -- born Scot and New Scot alike--to pass a vote of confidence in themselves by voting SNP at the next General Election.

Such a sovereign Parliament would have control of our oil and gas revenues; it would have a direct say in world affairs and in Europe where a stronger case would be put for Scotland's beef industry etc. Smaller nations than ours are doing it, and thriving on it. We sell ourselves short if we vote any other way.

TOM McCALLUM,
Dumfries

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Seats to Watch - Kilmarnock and Loudoun

Kilmarnock and Loudoun is a constituency in which the SNP have made considerable progress in recent years, with political commentators agreeing that a win here would represent a real in-road into Scotland's central belt.

Such a win looks more and more likely as local activists build on local government success and continuous campaigning. With the SNP's Alex Neil in a very strong second place in 1992, this formerly solid Labour constituency is now one of their most marginal seats in Scotland and all the evidence shows that the SNP vote is still growing.

Following on his tremendous showing in 1992, Alex Neil will be contesting the seat again at the next General Election. An experienced and deeply committed politician, Alex currently holds the position of Vice Convener for Policy for the SNP and has been active throught Scotland in leading the work on our "Programme for Government". Alex was VC Publicity at the last General Election and is backed up in Kilmarnock by a dedicated team, who even operate their own constituency rooms--now hosting a telephone call centre as well.

Alex's election agent is also a national fgure in the Party-- Adam Ingram, the VC Organisation who oversees a text- book campaign operation and has the benefit of eight SNP councillors representing wards in the constituency as well as one of the most successful totes in the country which provides much needed finance.

With a succession of gaffes by the new Labour controlled East Ayrshire Council-- including riding roughshod over the wishes of local parents on the issue of school closures--the SNP's clear and positive message gets a willing hearing in Kilmarnock and Loudoun and is backed up by solid work on the ground.

Earlier this summer Labour l)eputy Leader John Prescott included Kilmarnock and Loudoun in a tour of "marginal" constituencies --testimony to the fact that Labour regards this seat as one to beware of ! That will certainly be the message during the General Election campaign with every prospect of giving to the people of the area what's best for Scotland, and best for Kilmarnock and Loudoun.

If you can help the Kilmamock campaign please ring the Kilmarnock CA office on 01563 541314 or e-mail Kilmarnock SNP.
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